Read e-book online Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries PDF

By Valerie J. Bunce, Sharon L. Wolchik

ISBN-10: 1107006856

ISBN-13: 9781107006850

From 1998 to 2005, six elections came about in postcommunist Europe and Eurasia that had the marvelous consequence of empowering the competition and defeating authoritarian incumbents or their targeted successors. Valerie J. Bunce and Sharon L. Wolchik examine those unforeseen electoral breakthroughs - with each other and with elections that had the extra average results of conserving authoritarian rule. They draw 3 conclusions. First, the competition was once successful a result of challenging and inventive paintings of a transnational community composed of neighborhood competition and civil society teams, contributors of the foreign democracy information neighborhood, and graduates of profitable electoral demanding situations to authoritarian rule in different nations. moment, the outstanding run of those disillusioned elections mirrored the facility of this community to diffuse an ensemble of leading edge electoral innovations throughout kingdom limitations. ultimately, elections can function a strong mechanism for democratic switch. this can be specially the case whilst civil society is powerful, the move of political energy is thru constitutional capacity, and competition leaders win with small mandates.

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Higher scores correspond to better governance. In cases where there were multiple pivotal elections, the scores from the first elections are used. For Presidential Power scores, higher scores represent higher levels of presidential power. In cases where there were multiple pivotal elections, the scores from the first elections are used. Nation in Transit Corruption scores are based on a range of 1 to 7, with 7 indicating most corrupt and 1 indicating least corrupt. In cases where there were multiple pivotal elections, the scores from the first elections are used.

For example, despite the best of intentions, external democracy aid can create fragile, dependent, and unrepresentative civil society and opposition groups, and it can destabilize regimes and governments as a result of how decisions about democracy assistance are made and implemented. Thus, some target states have paid a high price for rigid advice that is insensitive to local contexts; the inconsistent foreign policy priorities of the United States; high rates of personnel turnover within the democracy assistance community; lack of coordination and even conflicts among international democracy promoters; and the inefficiency of the foreign aid bureaucracy.

S. Foreign Assistance on Democracy Building, 1990–2003,” World Politics 59:3 (April 2007), 404–439. 60 See, for example, Michael McFaul, “Ukraine Imports Democracy: External Influences on the Orange Revolution,” International Security 32:2 (Fall 2007), 45–83; Antoinette Handley, “The World Bank Made Me Do It? Domestic and International Factors in Ghana’s Transition to Democracy,” paper presented at the Evaluating International Influences on Democratic Development Authors’ Workshop, Center for Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, Stanford University, March 5–6, 2009; Jennings, Serbia’s Bulldozer Revolution; A.

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Defeating Authoritarian Leaders in Postcommunist Countries by Valerie J. Bunce, Sharon L. Wolchik


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